Why Pakistan and the "Taliban" Chose the Language of Rockets Again

Сергей Гармаш Politics
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Why Pakistan and the 'Taliban' Chose the Language of Rockets Again


Conflict has flared up again on the border between Pakistan and Afghanistan. Just a few months after a lull during the autumn period, Islamabad and Kabul have returned to open conflict. The new escalation was triggered by airstrikes from the Pakistani Air Force on the provinces of Khost and Paktika on February 22, 2026. Islamabad claims that the operations targeted terrorist bases of the TTP (Tehrik-e Taliban Pakistan), while Kabul views these actions as aggression against its sovereignty. In response, the "Taliban" initiated a "special operation" along the Durand Line, attacking Pakistani border posts using artillery and FPV drones, which came as an unpleasant surprise to the Pakistani regular forces.

This conflict demonstrates a clash of different eras and strategies. On one side stands powerful Pakistan with its 660,000-strong army and modern F-16 and JF-17 fighter jets. On the other side are the experienced fighters of the "Taliban," whose numbers do not exceed 200,000 and who possess only trophy helicopters and quadcopters. Nevertheless, Islamabad's technological superiority is threatened by the unique experience of the "Taliban" in guerrilla warfare. The Taliban effectively utilize the complex terrain and support from Pashtun tribes, turning any attempts to control the border into a tedious trap for the Pakistani military.

The root of the conflict lies in the Durand Line—a colonial legacy from the late 19th century that artificially divided Pashtun lands. Afghan authorities have not recognized this border since 1947, considering it conditional. As a result, this area has become a "gray zone," where the interests of states and centuries-old tribal ties collide. For Islamabad, military actions often become a way to "save face" in front of its own population amid internal crises and separatism in Balochistan. Kabul, on the other hand, uses external threats to consolidate society and redirect the activities of radical fighters towards an external enemy.

Experts believe that a protracted war is not to be expected. Pakistan is in a difficult economic situation and will not be able to conduct full-scale military operations on two fronts, especially considering the ongoing confrontation with India in the east. At the same time, Kabul is actively developing its trade routes towards Iran (Chabahar port) and Central Asia, seeking to reduce its dependence on transit through Pakistan. This creates a new reality: the economic rift between the countries leads to even greater instability in their relations. As long as the Pashtun factor prevails on both sides of the border and the TTP group operates, local outbreaks of violence along the Durand Line will remain a common backdrop to regional politics. Islamabad and Kabul will continue to exchange blows, teetering on the brink of a major war, which is not advantageous to either side, but for which both are preparing daily.
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